G.W. Terrell to Ashbel Smith, February 13, 1845

Summary: Terrell informed Smith on his efforts to gain better commercial treaties with Britain. The British were reluctant to do so since the United States was moving toward annexing Texas, so Terrell told them that annexation was not a done deal and in fact Britain could short-circuit the process with more favorable trade treaties. Went into detail on the possible provisions those treaties entailed, including better rates for Texas products in British colonies in return for allowing lower rates for British imports into Texas. Also summarized his view of the British attitude on the slavery question, which he interpreted as being anti-slavery but not inclined to interfere in Texas internal affairs.

(Despatch No 3)

LEGATION OF TEXAS

Paris Febry 13th 1845

To the Hon ASHBEL SMITH

Secretary of State etc.

SIR

I arrived in this City last evening--four days from London. This morning (Thursday) I addressed a note to the Minister for Foreign Affairs--announcing my arrival etc.--to which he has replied, appointing Saturday afternoon to receive me.

In the mean time I have concluded to embody in a despatch the substance of a conversation I had with the Earl of Aberdeen the evening previous to my leaving London, and which my limited time precluded me from doing before I left there.

In my instructions from your Deptmt, when I left Texas, I was directed to enter into negotiations with the Govts both of England and France, with a view to the modification of the provisions of existing treaties in such manner as to admit the products of Texan labor into the ports of these Countries upon terms more favorable than are allowed by the present treaties. In obedience to these instructions I sought an interview with the Earl of Aberdeen on the evening of the 8th Inst, and held quite a lengthened conference with him on the subject. At the first introduction of the business his Lordship seemed entirely averse even to the discussion of the matter, and remarked that there was already a treaty existing between the two Countries which Texas had manifested a strong disposition

to abrogate entirely--that it would be rather an awkward business to go to making new treaties with a nation which paid so little regard to those already existing etc.--that we would await the result of the negotiations for annexation--which he had been informed were still pending between the U. States and Texas--and a good deal more to the same purport. To this I replied that it was true Texas had negotiated a treaty of annexation with the U States; for this she found her justification in the circumstances which surrounded her, and which I had explained to him in a previous interview; but that I could assure his lordship his information in regard to "pending negotiations" was altogether erroneous. It was true that some action was being had by the Congress of the U. States on the subject, but that the Texan Govt was taking no action whatever on it. In confirmation of which I referred him to the validictory and the inaugural addresses of the late and present Presidents of Texas. I could not, however, give his lordship any assurance if any of the measures now pending in the American Congress for the admission of Texas should pass, and a door be thus thrown open, that she would not enter into the Union--all I could say was that Texas was now acting for herself as an independent nation, as much so as if she had never contemplated admission into the U States; that the very circumstance of her sending new diplomatic agents abroad, and wishing to make new commercial regulations was an evidence of the correctness of this statement. It then occured to me that something perhaps might be made out of England's well known opposition to annexation, and I determined to endeavor to avail myself to it. I remarked to his lordship that the project of a new commercial treaty with England, by which articles, the growth or production of Texas, could be admitted into the British dominions upon more favorable terms than were allowed by the existing treaty, was a favorite measure with very many of our citizens; that I could not, of course, insist upon his lordship's entering into negotiations with me at present upon the subject, but I thought it very probable that if I were authorized to say to my Govt, and let it be made known to the people of Texas, that the Govt of Her Britanic Majesty was willing to modify the existing treaty between the two countries in the manner I had suggested, that fact, coupled with the assurance, which England and France had proposed to give of the speedy recognition of our independence by Mexico, would exert a very salutary influence there--that it would go far to counteract the feverish excitement, on the subject of annexation, that now pervaded the whole community, and would possibly prepare them to reject the measure even if tendered to them by the U States: at any rate it would place in

the hands of the few (and I admitted they were few) who like myself were decidedly opposed to the measure, the most formidable weapons with which to fight the battle which must be fought, whenever that subject is again brought before the people of Texas. His lordship then appeared quite disposed to entertain the proposition; he said however that the subject being one that belongs appropriately to the Board of Trade--the President of which (as you are doutbless[sic] aware) is a member of the Cabinet--I could therefore, at my leisure, bring the subject before him, in writing, and he would lay my communication before the Cabinet. In the mean time, I might inform my Govt that that of her Majesty felt every disposition, as a general rule, to make the most liberal arrangements for the encouragement of trade and commerce--it was probable that important modifications in the existing tariff would be made during the present session of Parliament--and that in regard to Texas they would extend to her the most liberal terms which they could do consistently with their treaty obligations to other nations--that they were disposed to afford her every aid and encouragement in their power. He then asked me what were the principal commodities Texas would be able to export provided the tariff duties upon her products were reduced. I told him that at present her chief article of export to England would be cotton; to the West Indies--provided those ports were opened to us on favorable terms--we could send large quantities of beef, pork and lumber of various kinds; and in a very few years we would export sugar, tobacco and grain in considerable quantities. His lordship then remarked that in regard to their West India possessions he presumed there would be little, if any, difficulty in coming to a satisfactory agreement. With regard to England there would be more, as by existing treaties they could not reduce the duties upon the cotton of Texas without making a corresponding reduction on that of the U. States: if however Texas was prepared to grant to England an equivalent--a quid pro quo--and let into her ports British manufactures, at a lower rate of duties, then perhaps it might be done. That in regard to sugar he supposed I was aware they had laid a tariff of discriminating duties upon that produced by slave labor and that made by free labor. I told him I was aware of that fact, but that according to the provisions of our treaty the products of Texas were to be admitted into British ports upon the same terms with those of the most favored nations, which would place us upon an equality with Venezuela, and entitle us to a heavy discrimination in our favor over the Brazils, Cuba etc. His lordship said he had not recollected this feature in the treaty, but readily admited it would have that effect. He then repeated that I could lay the matter before him, when it suited my convenience, and he would act upon it in the manner already designated.

Connected with this subject a good deal of other conversation occured, but which having a more direct reference to the President personally, I thought it not proper that it should be embraced in a public despatch, and have therefore detailed it at length in a private letter to his Excellency; and in it I endeavored as nearly as I could recollect (and I paid very close attention) to give the language of the Earl of Aberdeen; in this I have aimed only to embody the substance of what was said by his lordship.

In the course of further conversation the Earl said to me that her Majesty's Govt really felt a strong solicitude in the welfare of Texas; that they had exerted themselves faithfully and honestly to adjust the difficulties between her and Mexico; and this not, as had been charged on the other side of the Atlantic, from selfish and ambitious motives, or with a view to obtain an undue influence in the councils of that Country. It was true England expected to reap the advantage of extended trade and commerce with Texas if she maintained her separate national existence, but that the British Govt wished to see her remain independent for her own sake--she had manifested so much vigor and so much enterprise as gave certain indications of her becoming in time a great nation, and England wished to see her such. I remarked to his lordship that the conversation between himself and Lord Brougham in the House of Lords some time since on the subject of the abolition of slavery had afforded to those who wished to create a jealousy of British influence in Texas, the means of exciting that feeling in a very high degree--that I thought it a source of regret that that conversation had passed, for it had at the time produced a very strong impression in Texas. His lordship admitted that it was to be regretted; but continued he, a question was put directly to me on a subject of national policy, and I was bound to answer it according to the truth. It is well known to be the settled policy of the British Govt to wish the abolition of slavery throughout the civilized world, but she will never attempt any enterference with the domestic institutions of any friendly power, farther than her advice and counsel will go. And you may assure your Govt that we will not bring the subject of slavery into negotiation at all between the two countries. We might have done so with propriety at one time had we wished to do it; when we recognised your independence we might have said to you, you must first free all your slaves and then we will recognise you as an independent nation; but having recognised you with this institution in force, we would have no right now to interfere with the subject, nor do we intend to do so.

This I believe was about the substance of the interview between the Earl and myself. From this and indeed from all that has transpired since I have been here, I am convinced that the sentiments of

the British Cabinet towards Texas are of a very liberal character, and I entertain no doubt that if annexation do not take place we can obtain a highly advantageous commercial treaty from them. You will please therefore forward me definite instructions as to the specific propositions I shall lay before the Cabinet. I shall await (as I was directed to do) instructions from your Deptmt before I take any further action on the subject.

I have the honor to be

with very great respect

Your obdt servt

G. W. TERRELL

Source Copy Consulted: G.W. Terrell to Ashbel Smith, February 13, 1845, in George Garrison, ed., Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1908, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1911), 3 vols., 3: 1177-1181