"Untitled," Civilian and Galveston Gazette, October 7, 1843

Summary: Commented on British attitudes toward Texas in regards to slavery. Denounced British efforts to cajole or bribe Texas to give up slavery because the editor considered the institution the bedrock of law and order within Texas. The matter had been settled earlier after Texas vowed to fight the slave trade but Mr. Andrews reopened the question by claiming a majority of Texans would abolish slavery if Britain got Mexico to recognize Texas independence (the editor said such an assumption was preposterous). Finally, the editor insisted that only slaves could grow cotton in Texas because white men were not conditioned for the labor required.

The remarks in the British Parliament, on the subject of Slavery in Texas, which are copied in our paper of to-day, are well calculated to arouse the jealousy and opposition of our citizens towards the intervention of England in the settlement of our affairs with Mexico.

For ourselves, we have confidence in the assertion of the Earl of Aberdeen, that no sinister or underhand measures would be resorted to on this subject by the Government of Great Britain, and that it would proceed by fair and open means in any steps it might see proper to take, but the objections of Texas are not to any particular mode of interference, but to interference in any and every shape. The institution of slavery is engrafted upon our Constitution, and interwoven with the very existence of the Government, and its abolition would involve the overthrow of both, as well as bear along with it a train of evils, resulting not only in the destruction of the civil institutions of the country, but of all order and security both to person and property.

We have long been well aware of the extreme solicitude of Great Britain on the subject of slavery, not only from the steps taken upon it in her own colonies, and, by negociations, with France, Spain, Brazil, &c., but, from the course of the English Ministry during the past nogociations[sic] with Texas. When Gen. Henderson, as the representative of Texas, first presented to the Government of Great Britain our claims for recognition as an independent nation, he was assured that it was not the policy of that Governmen to recognize any new state in which the institution of slavery was tolerated, and, such was the decided manner in which the subject was pressed upon him, that he came home, displeased with the treatment had he received, and unsolicitous for further relations with a nation assuming such right to interfere with the domestic policy of another.

He was succeeded[sic], however, by Gen. Hamilton, who by explaining the guards and restrictions which had been thrown around this institution by the fundamental law of the country, and by the agreement to enter into a treaty for the suppression of the African slave trade, so far satisfied the objections of the English Government, as to obtain from it not only a treat of recognition; but also one for commercial purposes, by which Texas was placed upon the footing of the most favored nations towards Great Britain.

Here the subject of slavery ceased to be named in the negociations between the two countries, and here we believe it would have been allowed to remain, had it not been for a few restless and reckless persons in this country, headed by Mr. Andrews.--Although expatriated for his movement in the matter here, he had the assurance to go to England, and, aided by abolitionists from the United States, bring the subject not only before the anti-slavery society of that country but before the leading members of Parliament and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. From the repeated and glaring misrepresentations he made while here of the sentiments of influential men in the country on the subject, it is probable that he has induced many persons in England to believe that there is a large party here who would be willing to favor the measure on condition that an acknowledgement of our independence is secured from Mexico. Such an impression is wholly unwarranted by facts; and, if the idea of abolition could be entertained in any shape, as a means of giving quiet and stability to the country, and it should become necessary to adopt the step to satisfy the prejudices or meet the views of any other people, nineteen twentieths of our population would never think of looking beyond the United States for a party with which to treat on the subject.

Whatever course the English Ministers take in the matter, connected with the negotiations between this country and Mexico, we have the best authority that, up to the time of the last advices from Washington, the subject had not been named to our Government. The Constitution places the matter entirely beyond the control both of the Executive and Congress: and we are satisfied that, even if they had the power, neither of these departments of the Government would give to any project having for its object the abolition of slavery, the slightest encouragement.

Great Britain offered to the Brazils, as an inducement for abolition, the admission of their cottons into the British market free of duty. The same offer might be made to Texas and accepted without the danger of a glut in the market in consequence, for, without slavery, there would be little or no cotton produced in the country. White men neither have been or can be found to labor in its cultivation on the low, rich lands of Texas. Their constitutions are not capable of enduring the heat, and the exhalations of the soil visit them with sickness and death, while the negro, being differently constituted and apparently adapted by nature to live in such situations, enjoys himself as well no where else as in the ardent sunshine, labors without inconvenience, and maintains a robust health, where white men, similarly exposed, would meet with certain death. If, as some suppose, England wishes to provide in the lands now cultivated by the negroes of Texas a receptacle and employment for her own redundant population, she need not ask that all Texas be opened for the purpose. Let her obtain a position near the coast, sufficient for one year's emmigration, and put the colonists to the cultivation of cotton in the rich, bottom lands, and she will find the same lands vacant for the emigrants of the succeeding year. Perhaps one half of the first comers will have died, and the remainder will be poorest.

Source Copy Consulted: "Untitled," Civilian and Galveston Gazette, October 7, 1843, p. 2